Katy Wolpoff / NBC Chicago

Jesse Jackson Jr. won re-election to Illinois' 2nd Congressional district by a landslide Tuesday night, NBC Chicago reported.

CHICAGO — U.S. Representative Jesse Jackson Jr., who has made no public appearances since for several months amid illness and who faces a criminal probe into alleged misuse of public funds, easily won re-election to his Chicago-area district on Tuesday.

Jackson, a Democrat who has served in the U.S. House of Representatives since 1995 and who was diagnosed earlier this year with bipolar disorder, won re-election to Illinois' 2nd Congressional district by a landslide, beating his two opponents, Marcus Lewis and Brian Woodworth.

As of 2 a.m. local time Wednesday (3 a.m. ET) and with 99 percent of precincts reporting, Jackson had captured 63 percent of the vote.

"My deep and sincere thanks to the people of the 2nd Congressional District, I am humbled and moved by the support shown today," Jackson said in a written statement. "Everyday, I think about your needs and concerns. Once the doctors approve my return to work, I will continue to be the progressive fighter you have known for years. My family and I are grateful for your many heartfelt prayers and kind thoughts. I continue to feel better everyday and look forward to serving you."

Jesse Jackson Jr. under federal investigation over alleged financial improprieties

Jackson reportedly spent the night at the Mayo Clinic in Minnesota.

Jackson disappeared from public view before the primary when he left for a treatment center in Arizona in early June. He later moved on to Mayo where he was diagnosed with bipolar depression and gastrointestinal issues.

More stories from NBCChicago.com

In October, federal prosecutors and FBI agents in Washington, D.C., launched a criminal investigation into Jackson involving alleged financial improprieties.

At the same time, a House Ethics Committee continues to look into Jackson's supposed involvement in trying to be appointed to now-President Barack Obama's seat in the U.S. Senate. Jackson has admitted he wanted to be appointed to the Senate, but has repeatedly denied allegations he sent emissaries to offer campaign cash to then-Gov. Rod Blagojevich in exchange for the seat.

The emissary that he denies sending to negotiate with Blagojevich, Raghuveer Nayak, was arrested on 17 counts of fraud in June.

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Updated 5:20 p.m. ET -- The biggest corporate contributor in the 2012 election so far doesn’t appear to make anything — other than very large contributions to a conservative super PAC.

Specialty Group Inc., of Knoxville, Tenn., donated nearly $5.3 million between Oct. 1 and Oct. 11 to FreedomWorks for America, which is affiliated with former GOP House Majority Leader Dick Armey.

FreedomWorks’ super PAC has spent more than $19 million on political advertising, including $1.7 million on Oct. 29 opposing Tammy Duckworth, a Democrat running for Congress in Illinois against Tea Party favorite Joe Walsh, a first-term incumbent.

The buy was more than four times greater than the group’s previous largest single expenditure.

Specialty was formed only a month ago. Its “principal office” is a private home in Knoxville. It has no website. And the only name associated with it is that of its registered agent, William S. Rose Jr., a lawyer whose phone number, listed in a legal directory, is disconnected.

Rose released a press release Monday saying the company was created to "buy, sell, develop and invest in a variety of real estate ventures and investments." 

In the six-page statement, Rose said he was a "disappointed, yet staunchly patriotic, baby boomer" with concerns about the administration's handling of the terrorist attack on the U.S. diplomatic mission in Benghazi, Libya, as well as the Department of Justice's botched "Operation Fast and Furious" gun-walking program. 

Specialty is the biggest and most mysterious corporate donor to super PACs, but it is not unique.

A new analysis by the Center for Public Integrity and the Center for Responsive Politics shows that companies have contributed roughly $75 million to super PACs in the 2012 election cycle.

Super PACs, which were created in the wake of the controversial U.S. Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision in 2010, can accept donations of unlimited size from corporations, unions and individuals. They spend the funds mostly on negative advertising.

The centers’ analysis found that 85 percent of money from companies flowed to GOP-aligned groups, 11 percent went to Democratic groups and the remainder went to organizations not aligned with either party.

First Read: Full coverage on the campaign trail

Prior to Citizens United, corporate spending on candidate advertising was not allowed. The decision raised fears that massive donations from corporate treasuries would flood the election in 2012.

In fact, the largest amounts have come from wealthy businessmen. However, about 11 percent of the $660 million raised by all super PACs through mid-October has come from company treasuries — mostly privately held businesses, sometimes organized as limited partnerships or limited liability companies.

High-profile donors
Yet a few high-profile companies haven’t been afraid to jump into the partisan fray.

In mid-October, oil and gas giant Chevron donated $2.5 million to a super PAC close to House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, called the Congressional Leadership Fund, which has aired a bevy of ads attacking Democratic House candidates.

Oxbow Carbon, the energy company owned by billionaire William Koch, the lesser-known brother of conservative industrialists David and Charles Koch, and Contran Corp., the business of Republican super donor Harold Simmons of Texas, have both steered significant sums to the coffers of super PACs.

Oxbow Carbon has donated $4.25 million to GOP super PACs, making it the No. 2 corporate donor to super PACs, while Contran, No. 3, has donated more than $3 million to Republican-aligned groups.

Another top corporate donor is a retirement community in central Florida known as The Villages — a Republican stronghold where Paul Ryan held his first campaign rally the day after GOP presidential nominee Mitt Romney named him as his running mate.

Developer H. Gary Morse created The Villages more than 50 years ago, and this election cycle, more than a dozen companies connected to Morse and The Villages have collectively steered $1.6 million to GOP super PACs. That’s in addition to the $450,000 that Morse and his wife, Renee, have donated from their personal funds.

Notably, Morse is also the Florida co-chairman of the Romney campaign, and during the Republican National Convention, Morse’s Cayman Island-flagged yacht, named “Cracker Bay,” was the site of a soiree for some of Romney’s top donors and fundraisers.

Other high-profile corporate donors include:

• The Apollo Group, a for-profit education company, which gave $75,000 to the pro-Romney Restore Our Future and another $5,000 to JAN PAC, the super PAC of Arizona’s Republican Gov. Jan Brewer;
• Convenience store giant 7-Eleven, which donated $25,000 to Hoosiers for Jobs, a super PAC that supported Sen. Dick Lugar, R-Ind., during his failed primary campaign;
• Hamburger chain White Castle, which gave $25,000 to the Congressional Leadership Fund;
• Defense contractor B/E Aerospace, which gave $50,000 to Restore Our Future;
• Payday lender QC Holdings, which gave $25,000 to Restore Our Future; and
• Weaver Holdings, the parent company of the Indiana-popcorn company known for its brands “Pop Weaver” and “Trail’s End,” sold by Boy Scouts across the country, which has donated $2.4 million to American Crossroads, the super PAC founded by GOP strategists Karl Rove and Ed Gillespie.

Only a few other Fortune 500 companies have joined Chevron, which ranks third on the elite list behind only Exxon Mobil and Walmart, in making contributions to super PACs, and none has given as much as the energy giant.

Caesar’s Entertainment Corp., for instance, ranked by Fortune at No. 288, has given $150,000 to Majority PAC, a group that is spending to help Democrats retain the majority in the U.S. Senate.

“Fortune 500 companies are the least likely to be the ones who will be out in front giving publicly,” said Rick Hasen, a law professor at the University of California-Irvine. “They want to have influence over elections and elected officials, but they don't want to alienate customers.”

By category, companies in the finance, insurance and real estate sector donated more than $15 million, “general business sector” firms gave about $14 million and energy sector companies contributed more than $11 million, according to the analysis.

Unions, by contrast, have donated about $60 million to super PACs, from their treasuries or political action committees.

The top union donors include the National Education Association ($9 million), the United Auto Workers ($8.6 million) and the AFL-CIO ($6.4 million). All of these groups have spent heavily on Democratic candidates.

Money 'hiding in plain sight'
Additional corporate money may be flowing through politically active nonprofits that don’t disclose their funders.

“I strongly suspect that most of the corporate money is hiding in plain sight in trade associations like the U.S. Chamber of Commerce,” said Ciara Torres-Spelliscy, a professor at the Stetson University College of Law.

For its part, the Chamber — which collects dues from companies such as Aetna, Chevron, Dow Chemical and Microsoft — has reported spending more than $35 million on political ads, which have overwhelmingly favored Republican politicians.

Facts about Specialty Group Inc. are scant.

Records filed with the Tennessee Secretary of State’s office show it registered on Sept. 26, listing 61-year-old attorney William S. Rose, Jr., as its agent. Rose’s $634,000 home — about a 30-minute drive from downtown Knoxville — is listed as its “principal office.”

Yet the company’s money has made a huge impact.

After the cash infusion from Specialty, FreedomWorks produced numerous advertisements, including one that blasts Duckworth as a crony of former Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich, who was impeached and sentenced to 14 years in federal prison following a corruption scandal.

Duckworth is a double amputee and Iraq War veteran. She headed Illinois’ Department of Veteran Affairs and later served in President Barack Obama’s U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs.

FreedomWorks’ new ad features grainy footage of Duckworth and audio of her saying, “Gov. Blagojevich has charged me with the mission of taking care of my buddies, and that is what I’m doing.” But it leaves out the fact that when she said “buddies,” she was referring to other veterans and members of the military.

FreedomWorks for America treasurer and legal counsel Ryan Hecker says the organization only supports candidates who are “ethically right.”

Anton Becker, Duckworth's campaign press secretary, says it’s conservative outside groups who are peddling "lies."

When asked for details about Specialty Group and the source of its contributions, Hecker expressed ignorance, and doubted that voters care about where the money came from.

“We are in compliance with the law, and we are doing what we can to report to the Federal Election Commission,” he said. “If there’s an issue with Specialty, it’s their issue. It’s not our issue.”

Andrea Fuller of the Center for Public Integrity contributed to this report.

This story is a collaboration between the Center for Public Integrity and the Center for Responsive Politics. For up-to-date news on outside spending in the 2012 election, follow our Source2012 Tumblr and the hashtag #Source2012 on Twitter.

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ANALYSIS

The judge’s ruling was written on the lawyers’ faces.  Last Friday, after Catherine Eagles denied John Edwards’s motion to dismiss the six felony charges against him at the close of the government’s case, the former Democratic senator’s lead attorney sat red-cheeked and grim.  To his right, the typically stiff lips of the federal prosecutors curled into small grins.  

While Edwards’ request to have the case thrown out for lack of evidence was a long shot, the decision highlights the ever increasing peril Edwards faces and previews what’s to come. The transcript of the argument is a worthy read for anyone whose interest in the trial is more than passing and, thanks to NBC News, it’s available here. For Edwards case followers in a hurry, here are four ways the seemingly routine motion is actually a big deal. 

Odds of Edwards going to prison just increased
When Edwards decided to contest the government’s claim that he violated the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) rather than reach a plea deal, his risk analysis included the hope that a judge would end the case long before jury deliberations began.  While such court-ordered judgments of acquittal are infrequent, they are not unheard of.  Indeed, in May 2011 a district court judge from the same appellate circuit (the Fourth) stopped the prosecution of a corporate lawyer on obstruction of justice charges because of the government’s failure to prove its case.  

Hampton Dellinger, a litigation partner with Robinson Bradshaw & Hinson of Charlotte and Chapel Hill, N.C., is former deputy attorney general of North Carolina and has taught election law at Duke University Law School. In 2008, he sought the Democratic nomination for lieutenant governor of North Carolina.

Edwards’ hope for a similar outcome rested primarily on the novelty of the government’s theory: never before has money from third-parties (Fred Baron and Rachel “Bunny” Mellon) to other third-parties (Andrew and Cheri Young with a smaller amount to Rielle Hunter) led to a candidate’s indictment under the FECA.  Last fall, Edwards spent hundreds of pages briefing that argument (i.e, that he had no “notice” that such an arrangement could be illegal and thus no criminal intent) plus other reasons for dismissal…and lost.   Last week, Edwards attorney, Abbe Lowell, spent 90 minutes again beseeching Eagles to end the prosecution…and lost. 

For years, Edwards the plaintiffs’ attorney fought as hard as he could to overcome opponents’ efforts for judge-directed dismissals so the outcome of his clients’ personal injury claims could be determined by a jury.  Ironically, if Edwards the defendant had known for sure that his own case would go all the way to the jury, I’m not sure he would have rejected whatever the government’s best plea deal was. 

How judge's ruling was unnerving for Edwards camp 
In the run up to his motion argument, Lowell gently expressed to Eagles his hope that she would devote the weekend or at least much of Friday to considering his arguments before ruling.  Rather than rejecting the motion after days or hours of pondering, Eagles did so in minutes.  Moreover, the judge allowed that the “closest questions in my mind have to do with some of these venue issues” (i.e., did the crimes Edwards is accused of have a sufficient connection to the district where he is being tried).  Both the speed and substance of her decision suggest that Eagles has little concern about the prosecution’s theory or the quality and quantity of evidence presented in the government’s case. 

Full trial coverage from NBC News and msnbc.com

Analysis by Hampton Dellinger

More bad news in battle over experts?
In the face of Friday’s setback, the defense doesn’t appear to be shrinking from its chief argument for dismissal: that the government has not proved and cannot prove “that Mr. Edwards acted with knowledge that his actions would violate campaign laws.” Late Friday, the defense submitted its witness list for Monday.  Appearing first: Scott Thomas, the former Federal Election Commission chairman, who is prepared to testify that the prosecution “is without precedent in federal election law and that the FEC would not support a finding that the conduct constituted a civil violation much less warranted a criminal prosecution.”  The problem for Edwards is that the government is contesting vigorously the right of Thomas to testify as an “expert witness” and Eagles on Friday suggested she thought several FEC-related issues were “pretty straightforward.”  Such phrasing is not suggestive of a judge likely to let the former FEC chair testify broadly.  But at this point, Edwards will likely consider it a win if Thomas is allowed to take the stand at all.  

Closing arguments previewed
Friday’s motion hearing made something clear and it's bad news for Edwards: Andrew Young’s story sounds better when someone else tells it.  Skilled federal prosecutor David Harbach opened his oral argument reading excerpts from Young’s most Edwards-damning testimony.  Whether presented via the prosecutor, or Young’s wife, Cheri, the former political aide’s claim that Edwards orchestrated the sex affair cover-up is more compelling when separated from Young's hazy memory and admitted misstatements.  Similarly, Harbach was able to transform the testimony of other witnesses potentially off-putting to jurors (such as the long-winded Wendy Button) into an efficient, effective litany of evidence of guilt.  While Lowell is holding his own as quarterback of the defense team, Harbach’s ability to serve as a likeable standard bearer for the prosecution’s witnesses has to be making Team Edwards nervous -- very nervous -- as closing arguments fast approach.